US involvement in war crimes against Yemen: A Washington Post Investigation
A joint investigation published by the Washington Post confirmed that the United States has been implicated in war crimes committed by the coalition of aggression in Yemen since 2015 as a result of the extensive and continuous operational, logistical and technical support provided by Washington to the countries of aggression in their air military operations.
The investigation, which was conducted by the newspaper in conjunction with the Human Rights Institute of Columbia Law School, indicated that, based on the analysis of more than three thousand photos, reports, statements and videos, the squadrons of combat aircraft used by Saudi Arabia and the UAE during the air attacks on Yemen, received significant US assistance.
The investigation found that the United States participated in training and maneuvers with all the squadrons of Saudi and Emirati aircraft that carried out air strikes on Yemen, and that these practices took place on American soil at least four times, and included simulating air attack operations.
The joint investigation indicated that the Biden administration’s announcement last year to end “offensive” military support was not sincere. Analysis shows the continuation of maintenance contracts concluded by the US military and American companies to assist squadrons of aircraft that conduct offensive operations in Yemen.
The United States can limit air strikes on civilians by canceling maintenance contracts, noting that “there may be alternatives to munitions, but there is no alternative to these contracts and it is not possible to fly without them,” according to Representative Tom Malinowski, who served as Assistant Secretary of State for Human Rights during the Obama administration.
The investigation indicated that the United States does not deny its involvement in the crimes committed by the coalition of aggression in Yemen, but rather seeks to justify that involvement. They do this by justifying, through US officials, the “importance of the alliance with Saudi Arabia” and “strengthening its defenses,” according to the State Department spokesperson.
The investigation quoted US Army Major Rob Ludwick, a Pentagon spokesman, as acknowledging that “there is still a lot of work to be done” with the targeting procedures and investigative capabilities of the Saudi armed forces.
The Washington Post indicated that the contracts reviewed for this investigation were only a small part of the total US arms sales to the countries of the coalition of aggression because “details of some sales are never released to the public in some cases. One of those cases is direct commercial sales, where US companies sell directly to governments, and in some — such as arms deals worth less than $14 million — they don’t require congressional review and therefore, it is not publicly announced.”
The investigation denied allegations that the United States was not aware of the targets being hit by Saudi and Emirati fighters, noting that the former head of the US Central Command, General Joseph Votel, confirmed in his testimony in 2019 that “the United States has access to a detailed database of the coalition air strikes in Yemen.”
Moreover, it added that this database confirms that “some US officials have knowledge of the weapons that were used and the squadrons that participated in the air strikes that resulted in more harm to civilians than what is reported to the public and members of Congress.”
Ona Hathaway, a professor of law and political science at Yale University School of Law, pointed out that US sales that support violations of humanitarian and international law by the Saudis constitute complicity in war crimes.
The investigation also refuted US allegations of taking measures to “avoid civilian casualties” by sending in advisers, and later by adopting a policy requiring the sale of precision-guided missiles.
The investigation also refuted US allegations of taking measures to “avoid civilian casualties” by sending in advisers, and later by adopting a policy requiring the sale of precision-guided missiles. It explained that Human rights analysts in Yemen have confirmed they have not seen “real” change in the air campaign from these taken procedures. The Saudi aerial targeting of Yemen remains responsible for the vast majority of civilian deaths.