A dangerous project is unfolding in the occupied eastern provinces, where influence is being redistributed and shared among the tools of the Saudi-Emirati aggression within the framework of an American-Zionist scheme targeting Yemen – its land, sea, and people. What is happening in Hadramawt and Al-Mahra is part of a broader project by the American administration and the Zionist entity, based on establishing military bases and building airports on Yemeni islands and in maritime routes. The aim is to secure Zionist navigation, provide rear protection for the invading forces, expand into the desert and valley of Hadramawt, and seize control of oil, water, and precious mineral resources.
Yemen's geostrategic location has historically made it a target of covetousness. The Saudi and Emirati regimes are merely instruments of neo-colonialism, serving the Zionist-American project in the region and employing cheap tools to "divide the spoils" between Riyadh and Abu Dhabi. The conflict between the occupation's proxies—the Islah Party and the Southern Transitional Council militias—is simply a reflection of this "division of the spoils." Saudi Arabia manages the situation under the guise of "mediation," while the UAE pushes its proxies to seize control of the oil fields in Hadramawt. However, both regimes in Riyadh and Abu Dhabi are simultaneously redistributing influence according to an American agenda aimed at weakening Yemen and reshaping the region, just as is happening in Sudan, Iraq, Syria, and Lebanon.
The escalating disputes between the Saudi and Emirati occupations in the occupied territories transcend mere administrative or military differences, reaching the level of regional influence and control over strategic resources and areas. These days, the conflict is intensifying in Yemen, and previously in Sudan and other arenas. However, these conflicts have broader strategic dimensions, reflecting the tendencies of the old Western powers that previously colonized the region through direct or economic control. This is being repeated today through the methods of soft colonialism practiced by Riyadh, London, Washington, and Abu Dhabi via their proxies in the region.
What is happening in Sudan and Yemen is part of a broader American project in the Horn of Africa, which seeks to keep the region divided and embroiled in multiple conflicts. Exposing these policies reveals the depth of Western interference in the affairs of Arab states and its direct impact on regional security and stability.
Hadhramaut, the First Front of the Rift
The plunderers of Yemen's wealth and the instigators of the storm have fallen out, and with them, the ranks of their tools and mercenaries are divided. They fight and kill each other, each vying to be the most deserving of serving whoever pays, each selling out their homeland to be the first to knock on the doors of whoever elevates them. Those are few, even if their flocks are numerous, and those are a rabble, even if their riffraff gather; because Yemen is greater, more precious, and more honorable... It does not sell its conscience nor compromise on its values... and its noble people continue their mobilization revolution to continue supporting Gaza. Hadhramaut Governorate is witnessing one of the most blatant displays of power, as Saudi and Emirati proxies engage in open conflict to control the region's geography, resources, and maritime routes. Abu Dhabi's militias have advanced on the ground and seized control of vast areas within the governorate, while Riyadh is attempting to regain its influence through tribal and military formations it has deployed in recent years under the guise of "protection" and "defense," all to maintain its access to the Arabian Sea and prevent any rival presence that could threaten its project in the border regions and the Empty Quarter.
However, the conflict extends beyond Yemen's borders. The battle in Hadhramaut is merely an extension of a broader project through which Western powers, primarily the United States and Britain, are reshaping their influence via a form of "soft colonialism" that grants Riyadh and Abu Dhabi the role of mediator and proxy. Meanwhile, Yemen is intended to remain a fragmented sphere of influence and a safe passage for plans to control maritime routes and oil wealth.
Sudan: Overshadowed by the Gulf
The tension has reached Sudan, where both sides have rushed to support opposing camps in the ongoing war. The UAE backs the Rapid Support Forces led by Hemedti, while Saudi Arabia supports the official army under Burhan. Khartoum has become another testing ground for the balance of power. The UAE uses Sudan as leverage against Riyadh through its geostrategic location on the Red Sea, while Riyadh views the Emirati presence as a direct threat to its maritime and economic security.
Sudan shares a vast stretch of the Red Sea coast with Saudi Arabia, and the UAE's involvement here is not limited to plundering gold and agricultural resources. It also establishes a direct geopolitical threat to Saudi Arabia on the opposite shore. Riyadh views the active Emirati presence there as a tool of pressure, not merely an economic investment.
Disputes fester over Yemen's land and resources
The divergent goals of the two sides in Yemen reveal the depth of the widening rift. Saudi Arabia focuses on preventing any oil and gas extraction near its borders and uses threats to deter companies from operating in those areas. Meanwhile, the UAE is moving towards controlling maritime outlets, ports, islands, and trade routes to ensure a permanent economic presence in southern and eastern Yemen. However, the course of the battle in occupied Hadramawt confirms the consensus between Riyadh and Abu Dhabi to remove the Islah Party, the Muslim Brotherhood's arm in Yemen, from the equation.
Therefore, clashes have erupted between the militias of the two sides, especially in the eastern governorates. Hadramawt and Al-Mahra are witnessing a dangerous project to redistribute influence, overseen by the US and "Israel", which aims to establish military bases and airports on Yemeni islands to secure "Israeli" shipping and open a gateway for expansion into the desert and its resources. These moves have resulted in retaliatory field campaigns, particularly in Hadramawt, including raids, arrests, looting of headquarters, and attempts to eliminate Riyadh's proxies in favor of Abu Dhabi's influence. However, it cannot be concealed that the ongoing conflict in Hadramawt has broader dimensions, orchestrated by the Zionist enemy and implemented through regional and local proxies. Following significant setbacks for the United States, the qualitative strikes against "Israel", and the maritime blockade imposed on its ships, both the US and "Israel" have accelerated their efforts to pressure the Yemeni army and engage it in peripheral battles. This time, they are using proxies and attempting to exacerbate the divisions within the country by supporting militias in the occupied territories, aiming to make the partition of Yemen a fait accompli. This further complicates the Yemeni landscape, especially given the Saudi-Emirati intransigence in implementing the roadmap and their pursuit of the Zionist plan, beginning with mobilizing local proxies and attempting to form maritime alliances to confront the Yemeni navy under the guise of "protecting international navigation."
Despite the intensifying competition, both sides are still operating within the framework permitted by Washington. The conflict does not stray beyond the scope of American control, which uses them as competing tools in a single project aimed at dividing the region and creating fragmented entities that are easy to control and manage. Saudi Arabia presents itself as a stabilizing force, while the UAE markets its image as a flexible and active regional center. However, in the end, both sides are competing to serve the same "king," within the margin of geopolitics that Washington draws precisely.
The War of Headquarters and Markets
The conflict has expanded from its military form to the economic one. Saudi Arabia's Vision 2030 aims to transform Riyadh into a regional hub to rival Abu Dhabi and Dubai. Saudi Arabia has mandated that companies relocate their regional headquarters there, and hundreds of international firms have complied, leading to a 31% decrease in Emirati investment. Abu Dhabi responded by canceling customs privileges on Saudi products and imposing restrictions on investments. Even territorial waters have become an arena of conflict, as seen in the case of Al-Yasat Island, over which Saudi Arabia filed a complaint with the Security Council against the UAE, deeming it an attempt to impose a fait accompli and a dangerous maritime expansion.
The continuation of this conflict places Yemen and Sudan on the brink of deeper divisions. In Yemen, parallel entities will become entrenched, and Hadramawt and the south will become spheres of influence divided between two partners in a single occupation, with the potential for escalating armed clashes between their respective proxies. In Sudan, the armed conflict will persist, fueled by conflicting Gulf funding and arming, thus preventing any possibility of a political solution.
Conclusion
The alliance once touted as the most cohesive in the Gulf has disintegrated, its two sides now operating on paths that converge only on one point: serving the American-Zionist project, which aims to fragment the region and keep its countries in a state of perpetual conflict.
But Yemen, which witnessed its country being carved up at the negotiating table of Riyadh and Abu Dhabi, now understands that the dispute between them is not a disagreement over principles, but rather a frantic race for spoils under the watchful eye of the American patron. The apparent clashes are merely a redistribution of roles within a larger project targeting the entire region. As for the Yemeni people, they remain too profound and resilient to be swallowed up by these conflicts. The land that resisted aggression will not be broken by proxies squabbling over what is not theirs, nor will it be divided by a decision of powers that have lost their way and their legitimAnsaro
