In light of the ongoing Saudi occupation of several Yemeni governorates, accompanied by a suffocating blockade, the plundering of wealth, and the military, political, and media mobilization of wide factions of mercenaries, the Leader has laid out the broad outlines to end the tampering of the aggressors. He called for a popular and official alignment to end the aggression and occupation and lift the blockade.

Faced with these developments, we conducted an interview with Mr. Mohammed Al-Farah, a member of the Political Bureau of Ansar Allah, who in turn put the dots on the i's. He pointed out that the continuous Saudi evasion from peace obligations is governed by four overlapping factors: direct US-British intervention linking the humanitarian file to Sana'a's position supporting Gaza, Riyadh's desire to consolidate its influence and occupation of oil areas and strategic maritime islands, its betting on regional and international variables to improve its terms, and its fear of recognizing new equations of power that would make it bear the cost of war and compensations.

The Leader focused on three non-negotiable demands: ending the aggression, lifting the blockade, and the departure of the occupation. Amid popular and economic boiling that has reached a point that cannot tolerate procrastination, the scene is moving toward a decisive resolution between two scenarios, as Al-Farah confirms: a comprehensive settlement based on responding to the humanitarian file and full withdrawal, or an explosion and renewed military confrontation forced by the necessity of breaking the blockade and snatching rights. The military readiness of Sana'a is a tangible reality on the ground, embodied by a popular mobilization of millions and advanced technical, missile, and naval development. The option of a preemptive strike has been strongly put on the table after reality proved the futility of waiting for Saudi procrastination in the face of a blockade killing the people.

Regarding strategic shifts, Mr. Mohammed Al-Farah explained that American defeats in the Red Sea and Bab al-Mandab constituted a strategic transformation, as they broke the myth of American hegemony and gave Yemen confidence and a surplus of power. Meanwhile, Saudi Arabia realized that the American security umbrella is no longer capable of protecting it. For this reason, Riyadh, despite its deep ties with Washington, will not move toward a real peace unless it prioritizes its economic interests and national security over external dictates. In the event of the collapse of the truce, it will be natural for Sana'a to use all its pressure cards that have proven effective, including targeting a wide bank of targets in the aggressor country.

In this exclusive interview with Mr. Mohammed Al-Farah, the summary of the Yemeni position manifests in its most complex and decisive stages, where fateful questions push forward under a ceiling of depleted patience, and the features of the battle for sovereignty and dignity led by Sana'a reveal themselves in confronting an occupation and blockade that can no longer tolerate any delay. From the heart of popular suffering and the ferocity of regional and international confrontation, the Yemeni voice emerges decisive and clear, carrying an equation of two choices with no third: a just settlement that ends aggression, lifts the blockade, and expels the occupier, or a comprehensive liberation imposed by the force that has proven its merit in the field. Between the recent leadership warnings and the high military readiness, a collective Yemeni scene is drawn, where narrow affiliations dissolve before a shared pain, and the popular will fuses with a sincere leadership to together draw the path toward ending tutelage and restoring independent national decision-making.

Text of the Interview

In light of the leadership's recent warnings, what are the reasons driving the aggression coalition to continue evading the obligations of peace?

Mohammed Al-Farah: First of all, there is nothing now called the "aggression coalition." Rather, there is a Saudi occupation of several Yemeni governorates, a continuation of the blockade on the Yemeni people, the plundering of their wealth, and support for wide factions of mercenaries whom they move as tools inside to ignite fronts and fight on behalf of the Saudi army on the borders. They also move their political and media mercenaries, launching a comprehensive aggression against Yemen at all levels.

As for the evasion of peace, it is not born out of coincidence, as it is governed by several complex factors at the regional and international levels, which can be summarized in the following points:

• First: Direct US-UK Intervention: Washington, along with London, publicly seeks to link the Yemeni humanitarian file (paying salaries from oil revenues, fully opening Sana'a Airport and Hodeidah ports, and releasing prisoners) to broader regional files, specifically Sana'a's military and humanitarian position supporting the oppressed in Gaza. America wants to keep the card of starvation and blockade as a tool for political blackmail, aiming to trade the humanitarian file and the peace path for positions biased toward the nation's causes and grievances, and to abandon the religious and humanitarian responsibilities that Yemen pursues within the axis of Jihad and Resistance.

• Second: The Desire for Control, Occupation, and Influence: Saudi Arabia and certain international parties seek to maintain geopolitical influence in vital areas by controlling Yemeni islands (such as Socotra and Mayun) and maritime passages (Bab al-Mandab) on the West Coast. As for the eastern and southern governorates, they seek to consolidate their occupation of oil-rich governorates like Hadramout, Al-Mahrah, Shabwah, Marib, and Al-Jawf. Reaching a final and comprehensive settlement necessarily means exiting these governorates and vital areas and losing this influence.

• Third: Betting on Local and International Variables: The Saudi regime has been and still is betting on shifting international balances to improve its future negotiating terms. It bet on the outcomes of the confrontation between Sana'a and "Tel Aviv," as well as the confrontation between Sana'a and Washington during the support for Gaza. It also bet on the outcomes of the aggression against Iran, hoping that the scale would tip in favor of America and its proxies. Furthermore, it bets on the outcomes of the blockade, imagining that the state of hunger, poverty, and the cutting off of salaries might bring the Yemeni people to the brink of explosion, making the Saudi occupier and its mercenaries the alternative to the national forces that confronted the aggression. Added to this is the unreadiness of the Saudi regime's tools to adapt to a new political reality based on the complete independence of Yemeni decision-making, because their interests are tied to the presence of external support and the squandering of national sovereignty.

• Fourth: Fear of Accountability and Legal Costs: Riyadh fears that signing a comprehensive peace will lead to acknowledging new equations of power imposed by years of military confrontation in favor of Sana'a, and that it will bear the cost of compensating for the destruction and killing it inflicted on Yemen and Yemenis. Peace in Yemen carries for it the full political, legal, and economic cost of the war.

The Leader focused in his recent speeches on three main non-negotiable axes: ending aggression, lifting the blockade, and the departure of the occupation. Do you sense a direction toward a comprehensive resolution of these files? And what are the potential scenarios for the next stage?

Mohammed Al-Farah: The equation inside Yemen has reached a stage of popular and economic boiling that does not allow for more procrastination. People are starving, there are hundreds of prisoners languishing in Saudi prisons for more than ten years, and the humanitarian file is at a standstill. Based on the facts, the scene is heading toward a decisive resolution between two main scenarios, with no third:

1. The Comprehensive Settlement Scenario: This option is fundamentally based on responding to the humanitarian file, addressing economic files such as paying salaries and stabilizing the currency, lifting the blockade definitively, refraining from plundering wealth, compensating the Yemeni people for the losses incurred as a result of the aggression, and the departure of all occupying foreign forces. This option represents the lowest cost for all parties and aligns perfectly with Riyadh's declared aspirations to devote itself to internal development and with major shifts in the region that do not serve the continuation of aggression. However, in return, it requires courage and a decisive Saudi decision to bypass American pressures and obstacles, and to prioritize its economic ambitions and interests over war and interference in Yemeni affairs.

2. The Explosion and Renewed Confrontation Scenario: This is the inevitable result of the Saudi side's insistence on maintaining the current state of "no peace, no war," and continuing procrastination, economic pressure, and disabling Yemen's airports, etc. This blockage will lead directly to the escalation of counter-pressures militarily, and an immediate return to high levels of tension and direct military confrontation. Sana'a will find no choice but to move to break the blockade by armed force and snatch rights. Unfortunately, this is the most likely path if the Saudi side continues its procrastination and escaping forward.

Sana'a constantly speaks about "high military readiness." What are the practical features of this readiness on the ground? And does this mean a transition from a strategy of defensive deterrence to the principle of a "preemptive strike"?

Mohammed Al-Farah: The practical features of readiness are not merely rhetorical display, nor are they limited to launching slogans. Sana'a is known for its seriousness in executing its threats. Today's Yemeni readiness is translated into tangible field realities:

• First: Extensive Popular Mobilization: The fronts are witnessing a continuous supply of hundreds of thousands of fighters and graduates from the "Al-Aqsa Flood" courses and general mobilization, giving the armed forces a massive human depth ready for immediate deployment. Armed protest rallies are declaring their mobilization and response to the Leader's call, and all segments of the people are pressing toward resolving this file.

• Second: Technical and Intelligence Development: Strengthening monitoring, intelligence systems, and the unmanned air force, and tracking intelligence cells planted by the Saudi regime, alongside placing the missile force, drones, and all formations of the naval forces in an immediate launch position toward pre-defined strategic targets.

As for the preemptive strike, this decision is a political and military one linked to field assessments and rests with the leadership. However, looking at the recent warnings and with the development of Sana'a's military doctrine, the leadership no longer sees "waiting defense" as a sufficient option while the people suffer from a suffocating economic blockade. The strike was imminent when Sana'a detected indicators of escalatory steps targeting the citizen's livelihood and banking system, and I believe it has become an option strongly placed on the decision-making table.

How do you read the consequences of recent American defeats in the Battle of the Red Sea and Bab al-Mandab on both Yemen and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia? Does Riyadh possess enough freedom to execute the peace plan?

Mohammed Al-Farah: What happened in the seas during the confrontations with American, British, and Israeli naval assets represents an unprecedented strategic shift:

• For Yemen: This confrontation broke the myth of the absolute hegemony of the United States and showed its fragility and weakness. It failed to protect its warships and vessels, as well as Israeli ships. American and British commercial ships were sunk, and Israeli ships were seized and transferred to areas under Sana'a's control. It also failed to lift the blockade on the port of "Eilat" and stop the missiles and drones launched at occupied Palestinian territories. This confrontation gave the Yemeni interior—people and leadership—great confidence in Allah Almighty, His leadership, and His army, and provided a surplus of power allowing it to impose its sovereign and just humanitarian conditions without fearing international threats.

• For Saudi Arabia: Riyadh realized, conclusively, that the American and British security umbrella is no longer capable of protecting its own bases and ships from Yemeni missiles and drones, so how could it protect the Kingdom's oil facilities or vital projects like "Vision 2030"?

Regarding the freedom of Saudi decision-making, the Kingdom remains tied to close structural, military, intelligence, and economic relations with Washington, making its independent margin of movement partial, not absolute. Today, Saudi Arabia is caught between the anvil of American pressures demanding continued tightening on Sana'a, and the hammer of fear of a devastating Yemeni military response. Riyadh will not sign peace unless it prioritizes its economic interests, the interests of its people, and its national security over American dictates.

Do you expect Yemen to use the same harsh pressure cards used against American, British, and Zionist ships against the countries of the aggression coalition if the truce collapses?

Mohammed Al-Farah: Politically and militarily, when any country fights an existential battle against blockade and starvation, it is natural to resort to activating all tools and weapons that have proven their effectiveness and merit in the field, and it might reveal effective and unprecedented options and pressure cards. The military capabilities that targeted military ships, sank giant commercial vessels, and fought within a geographical scope extending from the Mediterranean Sea to the Indian Ocean are capable, with Allah's help, of targeting a wide bank of targets in the country aggregating against Yemen.

Observers noted that the statement and warnings of the Leader received very wide popular welcome and alignment inside Yemen, even from forces and figures not politically or ideologically aligned with Ansar Allah. What is the secret behind this rush?

Mohammed Al-Farah: I believe the secret lies in four basic factors that express the conscience of the Yemeni street:

• The First Factor: Trust in Allah Almighty, then in the Leader and the Armed Forces. It is a trust stemming from the reality of a long experience in leading battles to defend this people, and battles supporting Gaza and Lebanon, and from his love for this people and his prioritizing Yemen's interests over any self-interest. He is the only leader among Yemen's previous leaders who does not possess bank accounts, villas, or real estate; all he owns is his faith and sincerity to the causes of the Yemeni people and the nation. Likewise, trust in the capabilities of the armed forces to snatch the rights of the Yemeni people. During the years of aggression, and in the stage of supporting Gaza and Lebanon, they proved to be a force possessing great effectiveness and impact. They became a source of trust, their strength and courage acknowledged by Americans and Zionists, and Arab peoples agreed on their capability and bravery, with grace belonging to Allah first and last.

• The Second Factor: Touching the shared pain. The blockade, closing of airports, cutting of salaries, collapse of the currency's purchasing power, and rampant poverty are all crises whose bitterness is tasted by every Yemeni, regardless of partisan or geographical affiliation. Added to this is what the Yemeni citizen suffered under Saudi occupation, whether in the free areas or occupied areas. For example, in areas under occupation, the citizen suffers from a lack of security, high prices, currency deterioration, and internal conflicts, passing through difficult conditions that exceed what is happening under Sana'a's authority by many folds. What gain has been achieved for any Yemeni citizen from this occupation since March 26, 2015, until today? Go and ask the citizen in Aden, Taiz, Shabwah, or any area under the control of the Saudi occupier; you will find they are suffering double, except for those who possess a material interest or a position. They are the ones whose position will be different toward the occupier, but this position—whatever it may be—is not normal because it compromises sovereignty and independence and prefers personal interests over the interests of the entire people. Therefore, the Leader's speech was not factional; rather, it defended Yemen's dignity, sovereignty, independence, the livelihood of the Yemeni citizen, and their basic right to life.

• The Third Factor: Consensus on national sovereignty. The Yemeni people possess an innate national sense that rejects foreign occupation and tutelage, yearning for freedom and independence. When citizens see a sincere leadership speaking from a position of strength and sovereignty to snatch the country's rights and plundered wealth, they bypass internal differences and rally around this unifying stance.

• The Fourth Factor: Exhaustion from the "no peace, no war" situation. Yemeni society has reached complete conviction that keeping the situation suspended serves external parties only and kills the people slowly. During the de-escalation period, they realized that Saudi Arabia seeks to consolidate its occupation and gather its ranks, and is not in a position to leave this people their freedom to manage their affairs. Instead, it exploited that period to plan a new aggression through its tools, blockade, doubling the pain, and its interventions in various files. Consequently, the call to end this state received a great welcome as a collective national necessity imposed by the country's supreme interest.

The Leader called for official and popular cooperation to confront the comprehensive targeting. What are the practical mechanisms to translate this cooperation into a cohesive internal front capable of thwarting fragmentation attempts?

Mohammed Al-Farah: Protecting the internal front requires integrated institutional and societal work that goes beyond slogans. The most prominent of these mechanisms are:

• Activating continuous communication channels between various components of the country to unify visions and establish the principle of partnership in managing the stage, and comprehensive mobilization for everyone, as liberation is an issue everyone agrees upon.

• Improving government and institutional performance, and raising the efficiency of oversight and service bodies.

• Enhancing social solidarity and community initiatives by activating Zakat, solidarity, benevolence, and cooperation committees, and supporting local economic, industrial, and agricultural initiatives that contribute to mitigating the severity of poverty resulting from the blockade, and strengthening the resilience of the poorest families.

• Awareness, security, and media vigilance, by raising the level of popular awareness regarding systematic media campaigns (soft war, psychological war, and rumors) that seek to exploit difficult living conditions to stir internal chaos and dismantle the social fabric. Likewise, vigilance regarding criminal security cells and intelligence elements that serve as the enemy's eye inside.

In conclusion... how far have field and logistical arrangements reached to liberate the entire Yemeni territory? Is there a specific timeline set to end the foreign military presence?

Mohammed Al-Farah: From a purely military perspective, logistical and operational plans are ready and complete, undergoing continuous updates matching the nature of field and armament variables. The priority today is ending this foreign military presence, breaking the blockade, and restoring full sovereignty over national decision-making.

As for an announced "timeline" specified by hours and days, there are no official statements publishing specific dates, because this file is governed by two paths:

• The First: The path of political negotiations and regional understandings, which is currently given sufficient opportunity to spare bloodshed and prioritize peaceful and humanitarian solutions.

• The Second: The path of field developments. If diplomatic doors are closed definitively, and the insistence of the occupation forces to stay is confirmed, then the military field and the readiness of the Yemeni armed forces are what will set the actual and final timeline to impose the reality of full liberation and end any form of foreign occupation and tutelage.

 

Conclusion

In this dialogue we conducted with the member of the Political Bureau of Ansar Allah, Mr. Mohammed Al-Farah, to shed light on the Yemeni position at its historical turning point, one fact is confirmed: the Yemeni people, with their leadership, armed forces, and all living components, have surpassed the stage of strategic patience to the stage of imposing the final equation. Either the occupier responds to the requirements of just peace, lifts the blockade, departs from Yemeni land, and acknowledges complete and undiminished national sovereignty, or the high military readiness turns into a comprehensive liberating action that leaves neither occupation nor tutelage, imposing peace by the force of arms.

The Yemeni message has reached its full extent, and the ball today is in the court of those who bet on prolonging the war and procrastination. Between a settlement that spares bloodshed and a liberation made by the arms of men, the sole choice for Yemen remains dignity and sovereignty, no matter how great the sacrifices. Those who still bet on variables or delude themselves into subjugating this people through starvation and blockade must read well the lessons of the past years. History does not mercy, and Yemen, which stood firm and defeated the most powerful coalitions, is capable, with Allah's help, of writing the final chapter of the aggression, so that the dawn of freedom shines on every inch of its pure soil.